The next day it rains hard in the morning, but when it stops the men bring the mules and the plows out. The spongy earth oozes into the hollows, sucking the metal plow points. “Fuck this mud,” the men mutter.

Fuck. From on Old English word meaning: to strike, to beat. Before that, in an even older language: to plow. To tear open.

The seeds are waiting.

In the sack in the shed. Or maybe safe under the entrepreneur’s high bed. The bed where he fucks his wife. Bed brought by wagon from the landing, bed bought with last year’s crop. Maybe he didn’t bring his wife. Maybe the sack is under the bed where he fucks the sixteen-year-old light-skinned girl from Maryland, also bought with last year’s crop. Maybe she is the same girl who washes the bloodstains from the sheets in the morning. Who carries the chamber pot to the woods. Who turns it over, brings it back empty, sets it by his side of the bed. Bumps her toe on the bulging sack, full of tiny seeds….

The next day, the rain falls. Water molecules leach through the seed coat. The helixes awaken. They twist, shudder break apart, draw more molecules to their open spaces, building their own mirrors. From them march streams of chemical messengers; orders that compel whole cells to stretch and split into twins. The embryo plant bulges. It shatters the seed hull from within and forces the stem up toward unseen light.

Squatting in the creek, the girl washes herself frantically. She does not know that if the planter’s seed is motile enough, it has already journeyed up into her hours ago, questing for her own. If this is her time, they will meet….

This tree-turned-into-a-bush, in short, is fucked. So, too, is the soil. When the enslaved men broke it open for the entrepreneur, he fucked this dirt with them as his tool. He fucked this field. He might fuck their wives out in the woods, or in the corn when it is high. Or their daughter in the kitchen. The the next new girl he buys at New Orleans.

But he fucks the men too. He plants in all his hands the seeds of his dreams. In fact, he plants them all, men and women, in this place, just as he plants as those seeds. Plants, ecosystems, people strain to live their lives according to their own codes, but he twists their efforts into helixes of his own design. He takes their product, keeps it for himself. He breaks open the skin on their backs with his fucking lash, striking their lives with his power, marking them and their world with his desire.

- Edward Baptist, The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. New York: Basic Books, 2014. pp. 216-217.

Unknown artist, “Join the Anti-Aircraft Divisions of the Territorial Army & make Britain a Stronghold of freedom.” S C Allen and Company Ltd, printer. C. 1916-1918. Art.IWM PST 4975

Unknown artist, “Join the Anti-Aircraft Divisions of the Territorial Army & make Britain a Stronghold of freedom.” S C Allen and Company Ltd, printer. C. 1916-1918. Art.IWM PST 4975

Egon Tschirch. “Was England Will! [What England Wants!].” Selmar Bayer, printer, 1918. Art.IWM PST 6917. 
Caption reads: Der englische Arbeiterführer Jonnson-Hicks (Daily Telegraph vom 3.1.18) ‘Man muss die rheinischen Industriegebiete mit hundert Flugzeugen Tag für Tag bombardieren, bis die Kur angeschlagen hat!’ DRUCK: SELMAR BAYER, BERLIN SO. 36. [What England wants! The English workers’ leader Johnson-Hicks (Daily Telegraph dated 3.1.18): ‘One must bomb the Rhineland industrial regions with one hundred aircraft day after day, until the treatment has had its effect!’]

Egon Tschirch. “Was England Will! [What England Wants!].” Selmar Bayer, printer, 1918. Art.IWM PST 6917

Caption reads: Der englische Arbeiterführer Jonnson-Hicks (Daily Telegraph vom 3.1.18) ‘Man muss die rheinischen Industriegebiete mit hundert Flugzeugen Tag für Tag bombardieren, bis die Kur angeschlagen hat!’ DRUCK: SELMAR BAYER, BERLIN SO. 36. [What England wants! The English workers’ leader Johnson-Hicks (Daily Telegraph dated 3.1.18): ‘One must bomb the Rhineland industrial regions with one hundred aircraft day after day, until the treatment has had its effect!’]

Egon Tschirch, “So Säh es aus in Deutschen Landen käm’ der Franzose an den Rhein [This is How it Would Look in German Lands  if the French reached the Rhine.]." Selmar Bayer, printer, 1918. Art.IWM PST 7194

Egon Tschirch, “So Säh es aus in Deutschen Landen käm’ der Franzose an den Rhein [This is How it Would Look in German Lands if the French reached the Rhine.]." Selmar Bayer, printer, 1918. Art.IWM PST 7194

Berthold Clauss, “Soll friedlich der Pflug durchfurchen das Feld, So gebet Geld! Soll deutscher Handel umspannen die Welt, So gebet Geld! Soll scharfe Waffe wuchtig führen der Held, So gebet Geld! Mainzer Verlags - Anstalt (Mainzer Anzeiger.) [If the plough is to till the field peacefully, donate money! If German trade is to span the world, donate money! If the hero is to wield a sharp weapon powerfully, donate money!]" Mainz Publishing Institute, c. 1916-1918. Art.IWM PST 6610.

Berthold Clauss, “Soll friedlich der Pflug durchfurchen das Feld, So gebet Geld! Soll deutscher Handel umspannen die Welt, So gebet Geld! Soll scharfe Waffe wuchtig führen der Held, So gebet Geld! Mainzer Verlags - Anstalt (Mainzer Anzeiger.) [If the plough is to till the field peacefully, donate money! If German trade is to span the world, donate money! If the hero is to wield a sharp weapon powerfully, donate money!]" Mainz Publishing Institute, c. 1916-1918. Art.IWM PST 6610.

"Contemporary reviews frequently mention the audience’s aggressive reactions to [M]. Describing the scene in which Beckert confesses his inability to control his murderous impulses to an unsympathetic underworld tribunal, Hans Fell notes: “The women, in contrast—and not only those on the screen—advocate rendering him harmless through extermination.” Tergit reported enthusiastic applause throughout the audience at the film’s gala premiere during the scene in which a gangster argues against sending Beckert to a legitimate court, on the grounds that he would surely be found mentally incompetent and therefore unable to be executed. “Man is so conditioned,” writes Tergit, “that he wants a victim right away. Scratch a bit at the surface and a Tartar will always come into view. There were many Tartars in the Ufa-Theater am Zoo at the premiere.” A reviewer for the Nazi journal Der Angriff (The Attack) found M well in accordance with his own political tendencies, lauding the film as “the best argument against those who oppose the death penalty.” And Joseph Goebbels recorded in his diary after seeing M: “Fantastic! Against humanitarian soppiness. For the death penalty. Well made. Lang will be our director one day.””

Todd Herzog, Crime Stories: Criminalistic Fantasy and the Culture of Crisis in Weimar Germany. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009, p. 131

September 19 on CFRC 101.9fm: The Anatomy Lesson at 11pm EST. Music by VVAQRT, The Radio Dept., Samantha Glass Cinéma Vengeance,  TOPS, Double Tooth, ‘Fourth World’ pioneer Jon Hassell, Peter Broderick and Gabriel Saloman, Control Unit, LA Vampires ome early eighties synths from Aloa and Kirlian Camera!  Listen or stream live or check out the station’s online archive for the complete recording.

VVAQRT - “Fizzing Spizzerinctum” Detainee
The Radio. Dept - “Death To Fascism” Single 
Cinéma Vengeance - “Shiny Mess” demo (2013)
TOPS - “Circle The Dark” Picture You Staring
Double Tooth - “You Should Buy Myself A Drink” Single 
Aloa - “Deutsche Begegnung” Aloa (1982)
Jon Hassell - “In The City of Red Dust” City: Works of Fiction

Peter Broderick + Gabriel SaLoman - “Man of the Streets” Self-titled
Samantha Glass (aka Beau Devereaux) - “Surreal Findings” Surface Water Perception
Control Unit - “Real Close” Burn
LA Vampires - “Acid We” LA Vampires / Psychic Handbook split (2010)
SAMESEX - “untitled” Brutal Pageantry

Above: Scene from John Carpenter, They Live. 1986.  Source.
“In the past, the rulers and their security forces believed that the normal condition of society was stability and calm, while insurgency was thought to be a quirk, an oddity, a pathology. Certainly, they knew that rebellions would break out from time to time, and they would then have to slap them down, but only to return to ‘normal,’ where everything was quiet and peaceful.

The difference today is their belief that insurgency is not an occasional, erratic idiosyncrasy of people who are exploited or oppressed, but a constant occurrence – permanent insurgency, which calls for a strategy that doesn’t simply rely on a police force and a national guard and an army that can be called out in an emergency, but rather a stragety of permanent repression as the full-time task of the security forces. This difference been elaborated theoretically largely as a consequence of the Indochina war, which gave this strategy its name: counterinsurgency.”
- Ken Lawrence, The New State Repression. Chicago: International Network Against State Repression, 1985.

Above: Scene from John Carpenter, They Live. 1986.  Source.

“In the past, the rulers and their security forces believed that the normal condition of society was stability and calm, while insurgency was thought to be a quirk, an oddity, a pathology. Certainly, they knew that rebellions would break out from time to time, and they would then have to slap them down, but only to return to ‘normal,’ where everything was quiet and peaceful.

The difference today is their belief that insurgency is not an occasional, erratic idiosyncrasy of people who are exploited or oppressed, but a constant occurrence – permanent insurgency, which calls for a strategy that doesn’t simply rely on a police force and a national guard and an army that can be called out in an emergency, but rather a stragety of permanent repression as the full-time task of the security forces. This difference been elaborated theoretically largely as a consequence of the Indochina war, which gave this strategy its name: counterinsurgency.

- Ken Lawrence, The New State Repression. Chicago: International Network Against State Repression, 1985.

Above: Still from Fritz Lang, M (1931)"In the Kürten case, the pattern of shock and surprise that now invariably accompanies the capture of a notorious killer was in its early stages—the system of visible differences had broken down just as the system of evidentiary investigation had broken down. This led to a moment of fear and shock so intense that Gen- nat, among others, referred to it as a mass “psychosis” brought on by “something akin to a state of war.” Gennat considers it a chief duty of the police to battle these psychoses, which he attributes to an over-stimulated public whose fantastic engagement with the criminal ran to an extreme, a paranoid environment that combines a fear of criminality with an excitement in the face of criminality.20 In other words: he is reacting against the criminalistic fantasy that his colleague Bernhard Weiß had defended a decade earlier. And yet, as I noted above, Gennat’s frustrations with traditional tactics in this case and his consequent call for a shift in tactics that would become criminal- and surveillance-centered would seem to imply the necessity of public involvement and the harnessing of crimi- nalistic fantasy. Gennat also seems to be in a state of crisis and confusion in the face of this case and comes across as ambivalent about how to proceed. Neither alternative (traditional investigator-centered methods or the involvement of the public in mass surveillance) seemed acceptable.
…
Whereas Gennat seeks to contain the psychosis, the Criminal Magazine seeks to mobilize it. Gennat’s patient examination of clues proved itself to be unsuccessful; if the crime is to be solved, the magazine states, “the public must unmask the murderer.” The issue concludes with a call for a “mobilization of the public” and “the cooperation of the great masses” in order to capture the elusive killer. Gennat’s methods, based on tracking the individual criminal, now seemed to be as inadequate and out-of-date as Lombroso’s faith in the visual difference of the criminal. A new system was needed, a thoroughly modern, ever vigilant, surveillance-oriented society to ensure “that this horrible criminal is rendered harm- less”. This amounted to an implementation of the system that was being developed in criminological works such as Robert Heindl’s The Career Criminal and journalistic works such as Curt Elwenspoek’s Murder and Manslaughter, and was even tentatively and ambivalently being advocated by the police themselves. At all levels—from popular novels and films to the press to professional criminalists—the Weimar Republic registered the need for new methods of criminal investigation, and all of the ideas, anxieties, and ambivalences surrounding this reevaluation of traditional beliefs came to the fore in the case of Peter Kürten.”- Todd Herzog, Crime Stories: Criminalistic Fantasy and the Culture of Crisis in Weimar Germany. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009, po. 116-117

Above: Still from Fritz Lang, (1931)

"In the Kürten case, the pattern of shock and surprise that now invariably accompanies the capture of a notorious killer was in its early stages—the system of visible differences had broken down just as the system of evidentiary investigation had broken down. This led to a moment of fear and shock so intense that Gen- nat, among others, referred to it as a mass “psychosis” brought on by “something akin to a state of war.” Gennat considers it a chief duty of the police to battle these psychoses, which he attributes to an over-stimulated public whose fantastic engagement with the criminal ran to an extreme, a paranoid environment that combines a fear of criminality with an excitement in the face of criminality.20 In other words: he is reacting against the criminalistic fantasy that his colleague Bernhard Weiß had defended a decade earlier. And yet, as I noted above, Gennat’s frustrations with traditional tactics in this case and his consequent call for a shift in tactics that would become criminal- and surveillance-centered would seem to imply the necessity of public involvement and the harnessing of crimi- nalistic fantasy. Gennat also seems to be in a state of crisis and confusion in the face of this case and comes across as ambivalent about how to proceed. Neither alternative (traditional investigator-centered methods or the involvement of the public in mass surveillance) seemed acceptable.




Whereas Gennat seeks to contain the psychosis, the Criminal Magazine seeks to mobilize it. Gennat’s patient examination of clues proved itself to be unsuccessful; if the crime is to be solved, the magazine states, “the public must unmask the murderer.” The issue concludes with a call for a “mobilization of the public” and “the cooperation of the great masses” in order to capture the elusive killer. Gennat’s methods, based on tracking the individual criminal, now seemed to be as inadequate and out-of-date as Lombroso’s faith in the visual difference of the criminal. A new system was needed, a thoroughly modern, ever vigilant, surveillance-oriented society to ensure “that this horrible criminal is rendered harm- less”. This amounted to an implementation of the system that was being developed in criminological works such as Robert Heindl’s The Career Criminal and journalistic works such as Curt Elwenspoek’s Murder and Manslaughter, and was even tentatively and ambivalently being advocated by the police themselves. At all levels—from popular novels and films to the press to professional criminalists—the Weimar Republic registered the need for new methods of criminal investigation, and all of the ideas, anxieties, and ambivalences surrounding this reevaluation of traditional beliefs came to the fore in the case of Peter Kürten.”

Todd Herzog, Crime Stories: Criminalistic Fantasy and the Culture of Crisis in Weimar Germany. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009, po. 116-117